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论语:插图珍藏本(博集典藏馆)

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杨伯峻经典译注版本

半部《论语》治天下

百部传世文学经典

文化根脉 成长必读


Content Description

《论语》是中国春秋时期一部语录体散文集,主要记录孔子及其弟子的言行。它较为集中地反映了孔子的思想。由孔子弟子及再传弟子编纂而成。全书共20篇,首创 “语录体” 。南宋时,朱熹将它与《孟子》《大学》《中庸》合称为“四书”。

Author Description

孔子(前551―前479),名丘,字仲尼。东周春秋末期著名的思想家、政治家、教育家。他开创了私人讲学的风气,是儒家学派的创始人,其儒家思想对中国和世界都有深远的影响。

Comments

《论语》自西汉以来,为中国识字人一部人人必读书。

——钱穆

《论语》这部书,是孔学上的圣经,是一套道德的教训。

——林语堂

《论语》都是一部绝妙的书,可以终身咀嚼,学用不尽的。

——朱光潜

至于孔子学说与《论语》本书的价值,无论在任何时代、任何地区,对它的原文本意,只要不故加曲解,始终具有不可毁的不朽价值,后起之秀,如笃学之,慎思之,明辨之,融会有得而见之于行事之间,必可得到自证。

——南怀瑾


Catalogue

导言

前言

学而篇第一

为政篇第二

八佾篇第三

里仁篇第四

公冶长篇第五

雍也篇第六

述而篇第七

泰伯篇第八

子罕篇第九

乡党篇第十

先进篇第十一

颜渊篇第十二

子路篇第十三

宪问篇第十四

卫灵公篇第十五

季氏篇第十六

阳货篇第十七

微子篇第十八

子张篇第十九

尧曰篇第二十


Book Abstract

学而篇第一


子曰① :“学而时习之,不亦说乎② ?有朋自远方来③,不亦乐乎?人不知,而不愠④,不亦君子乎?”

注释

①子,《论语》“子曰”的“子”都是指孔子。

②说,“悦”的古字,喜悦。

③朋,这里指弟子,学生。

④愠,音yùn,怨恨。

译文

孔子说:“学过了,再定时地实习它,不也高兴吗?有弟子从远方来〔求教〕,不也快乐吗?别人不了解我,我也不怨恨,不也是君子吗?”



有子曰① :“其为人也孝弟②,而好犯上者,鲜矣③ ;不好犯上,而好作乱者,未之有也④。君子务本,本立而道生。孝弟也者,其为仁之本与⑤ !”

注释

①有子,孔子学生,姓有名若,比孔子小三十三岁。

②弟,音tì,“悌”的古字,弟弟对兄长的正确态度。

③鲜,音xiǎn,少。

④未之有也,可以理解为“未有之也”;先秦时代,否定句中宾语若是“之”,一般放在动词之前。

⑤与,“欤”的古字。

译文

有子说:“他的为人,既孝顺父母,又尊敬兄长,却喜欢冒犯上级,这种人很少;不喜欢冒犯上级,却喜欢造反,这种人是从来没有的。君子专注于基础工作,基础树立了,‘道’也就产生了。孝顺父母,尊敬兄长,这就是‘仁’的基础吧!”



子曰:“巧言令色①,鲜矣仁!”

注释

①巧,高明,有技巧,这里指说话动听;令,美,善,这里用以形容满脸堆笑的谄媚样子;色,脸色。

译文

孔子说:“花言巧语,满脸堆笑,这种人,是没有多少仁德的。”



曾子曰① :“吾日三省吾身② :为人谋而不忠乎?与朋友交而不信乎③ ?传不习乎?”

注释

①曾子,孔子学生,名参(shēn),字子舆,南武城(在今山东枣庄市附近)人,比孔子小四十六岁(前505—前435)。

② 三省(xǐng),多次地反省。“三”“九”等字,一般表示次数多,不是实数。如果这“三”字是实指以下三件事而言,依《论语》的句法便应是“吾日省吾身者三”,和《宪问篇》的“君子道者三”一样。

③信,诚。

译文

曾子说:“我每天多次反省:为别人办事是不是尽心竭力了呢?和朋友交往是不是诚实守信呢?老师传授我的学业是不是复习了呢?”



子曰:“道千乘之国①,敬事而信②,节用而爱人③,使民以时④。”

注释

①道,治理。千乘之国:乘,音shèng,用四匹马拉的兵车。有一千辆兵车的国家,在孔子之时已经不是大国。

②敬事,敬业,工作严肃认真。

③古代“人”字有广狭两义。广义的指一切人群,狭义的只指士大夫以上阶层的人。这里和“民”对言,用的是狭义。

④使民以时:古代以农业为主,“使民以时”就是《孟子?梁惠王上》的“不违农时”。

译文

孔子说:“治理有一千辆兵车的国家,就要严肃认真对待工作,诚实守信,节约费用,爱护官吏,役使老百姓要在农闲时候。”



子曰:“弟子①,入则孝,出则悌②,谨而信③,泛爱众,而亲仁④。行有馀力,则以学文。”

注释

①弟子,这里指年纪幼小的人。

②入,出,指“入父宫”,“出己宫”;宫,古代房屋的通称,后来词义缩小,才专指帝王的住所。

③谨,寡言少语。

④仁,仁人。古代汉语中常用某一具体的人或事物的特征、性质来指代那一具体的人或事物。

译文

孔子说:“后生小子,在父母跟前,就孝顺他们;离开自己房子,便敬爱兄长;不多说话,说则诚实可信;博爱众人,亲近有仁德的人。这样实践之后,有剩余力量,便凭着它去学习文献。”


Introduction

《论语》是这样一部书,它记载着孔子的言语行事,也记载着孔子的若干学生的言语行事。班固的《汉书?艺文志》说:“《论语》者,孔子应答弟子、时人及弟子相与言而接闻于夫子之语也。当时弟子各有所记,夫子既卒,门人相与辑而论纂,故谓之《论语》。”《文选?辩命论注》引《傅子》也说:“昔仲尼既殁,仲尼之徒追论夫子之言,谓之《论语》。”从这两段话里,我们得到两点概念:(1)“论语”的“论”是“论纂”的意思,“论语”的“语”是“语言”的意思。“论语”就是把“接闻于夫子之语”“论纂”起来的意思。(2)“论语”的名字是当时就有的,不是后来别人给它的。由此可以得出结论:“论语”这一书名是当日的编纂者给它命名的,意义是语言的论纂。

《论语》又是若干断片的篇章集合体。这些篇章的排列不一定有什么道理;就是前后两章间,也不一定有什么关联。而且这些断片的篇章绝不是一个人的手笔。《论语》一书,篇幅不大,却出现了不少重复的章节。如“巧言令色,鲜矣仁”一章,先见于《学而篇第一》,又重出于《阳货篇第十七》。又有基本上是重复只是详略不同的,如“君子不重”章,《学而篇第一》比《子罕篇第九》多出十一个字。还有意思相同,文字却有异的,如《里仁篇第四》说:“不患莫己知,求为可知也。”《宪问篇第十四》又说:“不患人之不己知,患其不能也。”《卫灵公篇第十五》又说:“君子病无能焉,不病人之不己知也。”如果加上《学而篇第一》的“人不知,而不愠,不亦君子乎”,便是重复四次。这种现象只有下面这个推论合理:孔子的言论,当时弟子各有记载,后来才汇集成书。所以,《论语》绝不能看成某一个人的著作。《论语》的作者有孔子的学生。《子罕篇第九》:“牢曰:‘子云,吾不试,故艺。’”“牢”是人名,相传他姓琴,字子开,又字子张。这里不称姓氏只称名,这种记述方式和《论语》的一般体例不相吻合。因此,便可以作这样的推论,这一章是琴牢本人的记载,编辑《论语》的人,“直取其所记而载之耳”(日本学者安井息轩《论语集说》中语)。又,《宪问篇第十四》之第一章:“宪问耻。子曰:‘邦有道,谷;邦无道,谷,耻也。’”“宪”是原宪,字子思。显然,这也是原宪自己的笔墨。

《论语》的篇章不但出自孔子的不同学生之手,而且还出自他的不同的再传弟子之手。这里面不少是曾参的学生的记载。如《泰伯篇第八》的第三章:“曾子有疾,召门弟子曰:‘启予足!启予手!《诗》云:“战战兢兢,如临深渊,如履薄冰。”而今而后,吾知免夫!小子!’”这一章不能不说是曾参的门弟子的记载。又如《子张篇第十九》:“子夏之门人问交于子张。子张曰:‘子夏云何?’对曰:‘子夏曰:“可者与之,其不可者拒之。”’子张曰:‘异乎吾所闻:君子尊贤而容众,嘉善而矜不能。我之大贤与,于人何所不容?我之不贤与,人将拒我,如之何其拒人也?’”这一段又像子张或子夏的学生的记载。又如《先进篇第十一》的第五章和第十三章:“子曰:‘孝哉闵子骞!人不间于其父母昆弟之言。’”“闵子侍侧,訚訚如也;子路,行行如也;冉有、子贡,侃侃如也。子乐。”子称学生从来直呼其名,独独这里对闵损称字,不能不启人疑窦。我认为这一章是闵损的学生追记的,因而有这一不经意的失实。至于“闵子侍侧”一章,不但闵子骞称“子”,而且列在子路、冉有、子贡三人之前,这是难以理解的。以年龄而论,子路最长;以仕宦而论,闵子更赶不上这三人。他凭什么能在这一段记载上居于首位而且得到“子”的尊称呢?合理的推论是,这也是闵子骞的学生把平日闻于老师之言追记下来而成的。

《论语》一书有孔子弟子的笔墨,也有孔子再传弟子的笔墨,那么,著作年代便有先有后了。这点,在词义的运用上也适当地反映了出来。譬如“夫子”一词,在较早的年代一般指第三者,相当于“他老人家”,直到战国,才普遍用为第二人称的表敬代词,相当于“你老人家”。《论语》的一般用法都是相当于“他老人家”的,孔子学生当面称孔子为“子”,背后才称“夫子”,别人对孔子也是背后才称“夫子”。只是在《阳货篇第十七》中有两处例外,言偃对孔子说,“昔者偃也闻诸夫子”;子路对孔子也说,“昔者由也闻诸夫子”,都是当面称“夫子”,开战国时运用“夫子”一词的词义之端。《论语》着笔有先有后,其间相距或者不止于三五十年,由此可以窥见一斑。

《论语》一书的最后编定者,应是曾参的学生。第一,《论语》不但对曾参无一处不称“子”,而且记载他的言行较孔子其他弟子为多。《论语》中单独记载曾参言行的,共有十三章。第二,在孔子弟子中,不但曾参最年轻,而且有一章记载着曾参将死之前对孟敬子的一段话。孟敬子是鲁大夫孟武伯的儿子仲孙捷的谥号。假定曾参死在鲁元公元年(前436 年),则孟敬子之死更在其后,那么,这一事的记述者一定是在孟敬子死后才着笔的。孟敬子的年岁我们已难考订,但《檀弓》记载着当鲁悼公死时,孟敬子对答季昭子的一番话,可见当曾子年近七十之时,孟敬子已是鲁国执政大臣之一了。则这一段记载之为曾子弟子所记,毫无可疑。《论语》所叙的人物和事迹,再没有比这更晚的,那么,《论语》的编定者就是这些曾参的学生。因此,我们说《论语》的着笔当开始于春秋末期,而编辑成书则在战国初期。

《论语》传到汉朝,有三种不同的本子:(1)《鲁论语》二十篇;(2)《齐论语》二十二篇,其中二十篇的章句很多和《鲁论语》相同,但是多出《问王》和《知道》两篇;(3)《古文论语》二十一篇,也没有《问王》和《知道》两篇,但是把《尧曰篇》的“子张问”另分为一篇,于是有了两个《子张篇》。篇次也和《齐论》《鲁论》不一样,文字不同的计四百多字。《鲁论》和《齐论》最初各有师传,到西汉末年,安昌侯张禹先学习了《鲁论》,后来又讲习《齐论》,于是把两个本子融合为一,但是篇目以《鲁论》为根据,号为《张侯论》。张禹是汉成帝的师傅,其时极为尊贵,所以他的这一个本子便为当时一般儒生所遵奉,后汉灵帝时所刻的《熹平石经》就是用的《张侯论》。《古文论语》是在汉景帝时由鲁恭王刘余在孔子旧宅壁中发现的,当时并没有传授。直到东汉末年,大学者郑玄以《张侯论》为依据,参照《齐论》《古论》,作了《论语注》。在残存的郑玄《论语注》中我们还可以略略窥见《鲁》《齐》《古》三种《论语》本子的异同。今天,我们所用的《论语》本子,基本上就是《张侯论》。

《论语》自汉代以来,便有不少人注解它。《论语》和《孝经》是汉朝初学者必读书,一定要先读这两部书,才进而学习“五经”。“五经”就是今天的《诗经》《尚书》(除去伪古文)《易经》《仪礼》和《春秋》。看来,《论语》是汉人启蒙书的一种。汉朝人所注释的《论语》,基本上全部亡佚,今日所残存的,以郑玄(127—200,《后汉书》有传)注为较多,因为敦煌和日本发现了一些唐写本残卷,估计十存六七;其他各家,在何晏(190—249)《论语集解》以后,就多半只存于《论语集解》中。现在《十三经注疏》中的《论语注疏》就是用何晏《集解》和宋人邢昺(932—1010,《宋史》有传)的《疏》。至于何晏、邢昺前后还有不少专注《论语》的书,可以参看清人朱彝尊(1629—1709,《清史稿》有传)的《经义考》、纪昀(1724—1805)等人的《四库全书总目提要》以及唐陆德明(约550—630)的《经典释文序录》和吴检斋(承仕)师的《疏证》。

关于《论语》的书,真是汗牛充栋,举不胜举。读者如果认为看了《论语译注》还有进一步研究的必要,可以再看下列几种书:

(1)《论语注疏》——即何晏《集解》、邢昺《疏》,在《十三经注疏》中,除武英殿本外,其他各本多沿袭阮元南昌刻本,因它有《校勘记》,可以参考。

(2)《论语集注》——宋朱熹(1130—1200)从《礼记》中抽出《大学》和《中庸》,合《论语》《孟子》为“四书”,自己用很大功力作《集注》。从明朝至清末,科举考试,题目都从“四书”中出;所做文章的义理,也不能违背朱熹的见解,这叫做“代圣人立言”,影响很大。另外朱熹对于《论语》,不但讲“义理”,也注意训诂。故这书无妨参看。

(3)刘宝楠(1791—1855)《论语正义》——清代儒生多不满意唐、宋人的注疏,所以陈奂(1786—1863)作《毛诗传疏》,焦循(1763—1820)作《孟子正义》。刘宝楠便依焦循作《孟子正义》之法,作《论语正义》。后因病而停笔,由他的儿子刘恭冕(1821—1880)继续写定。所以这书实为刘宝楠父子共著。征引广博,折中大体恰当。只因学问日益进展,昔日的好书,今天亦可以指出不少缺点,但参考价值仍然不小。

(4)程树德(1877—1944)《论语集释》,征引书籍达六百八十种,虽仍有疏略可商之处,因其广征博引,故可参考。

(5)杨树达(1885—1956)《论语疏证》。这书把三国以前所有征引《论语》或者和《论语》的有关资料都依《论语》原文疏列,时出己意,加按语。值得参考。



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