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教育部统编《语文》高中一年级(上)指定用书:乡土中国(作家经典文库 特别完整收录《乡土重建》)

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教育部统编《语文》高中一年级(上)指定用书:乡土中国(作家经典文库 特别完整收录《乡土重建》)

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教育部统编《语文》高中一年级(上)指定用书,

费孝通后人亲授版权,

特别完整收录费孝通乡土调查名著《乡土重建》,

精编精校,无删节全本,

多条注释无障碍阅读


Content Description

本书为费孝通社会学经典著作《乡土中国》与《乡土重建》的合订本。是费孝通从文化的角度对中国社会进行概括的代表作,凝练地体现了其对这一问题的集中思考,借以全面而系统地呈现其乡土社会研究。《乡土中国》是由费孝通先生于上世纪四十年代在西南联大和云南大学所讲“乡村社会学”课程内容辑录而成。作者用通俗、简洁的语言对中国的基层社会的主要特征进行了理论上的概述和分析,较为全面地展现了中国基层社会的面貌。《乡土重建》是费孝通先生在对江村、禄村等乡村社区调查研究的基础上,探索了中国乡土社会的自身特点和内生机理,提出了发展乡土工业,实现乡土重建的思想。


Author Description

费孝通,江苏吴江人,社会科学家,国际应用人类学会*高荣誉奖获得者,中国社会学和人类学的主要奠基人之一,第七、八届全国人大常委会副委员长,政协第六届全国委员会副主席,民盟中央主席。


Catalogue

乡土中国

重刊序言3

一 乡土本色6

二 文字下乡13

三 再论文字下乡20

四 差序格局26

五 系维着私人的道德35

六 家族42

七 男女有别48

八 礼治秩序54

九 无讼60

十 无为政治66

十一 长老统治71

十二 血缘和地缘77

十三 名实的分离84

十四 从欲望到需要89

后记96

乡土重建

代序 中国社会变迁中的文化结症109

一 乡村·市镇·都会125

二 论城·市·镇133

三 不是崩溃而是瘫痪142

四 基层行政的僵化151

五 再论双轨政治163

六 损蚀冲洗下的乡土174

七 黎民不饥不寒的小康水准188

八 地主阶层面临考验198

九 现代工业技术的下乡208

十 分散在乡村里的小型工厂217

十一 乡土工业的新形式225

十二 自力更生的重建资本234

十三 节约储蓄的保证243

后记 对于各家批评的总答复253


Book Abstract

从基层上看去,中国社会是乡土性的。我说中国社会的基层是乡土性的,那是因为我考虑到从这基层上曾长出一层和乡土基层不完全相同的社会,而且在近百年来更在东西方接触边缘上发生了一种很特殊的社会。这些社会的特性我们暂时不提,将来再说。我们不妨先集中注意那些被称为土头土脑的乡下人,他们才是中国社会的基层。

我们说乡下人土气,虽则似乎带着几分藐视的意味,但这个“土”字却用得很好。“土”字的基本意义是指泥土。乡下人离不了泥土,因为在乡下住,种地是最普通的谋生办法。在我们这片远东大陆上,可能在很古的时候住过些还不知道种地的原始人,那些人的生活怎样,对于我们至多只有一些好奇的兴趣罢了。以现在的情形来说,这片大陆上最大多数的人是拖泥带水下田讨生活的了。我们不妨缩小一些范围来看,三条大河的流域已经全是农业区。而且,据说凡是从这个农业老家里迁移到四围边地上去的子弟,也老是很忠实地守着这直接向土里去讨生活的传统。最近我遇着一位到内蒙古旅行回来的美国朋友,他很奇怪地问我:你们中原去的人,到了这最适宜于放牧的草原,依旧锄地播种,一家家划着小小的一方地,种植起来;真像是向土里一钻,看不到其他利用这片地的方法了。我记得我的老师史禄国先生也告诉过我,远在西伯利亚,中国人住下了,不管天气如何,还是要下些种子,试试看能不能种地。——这样说来,我们的民族确是和泥土分不开的了。从土里长出过光荣的历史,自然也会受到土的束缚,现在很有些飞不上天的样子。

靠种地谋生的人才明白泥土的可贵。城里人可以用土气来藐视乡下人,但是乡下,“土”是他们的命根。在数量上占着最高地位的神,无疑的是“土地”。“土地”这位最近于人性的神,老夫老妻白首偕老的一对,管着乡间一切的闲事。他们象征着可贵的泥土。我初次出国时,我的奶妈偷偷地把一包用红纸裹着的东西,塞在我箱子底下。后来,她又避了人和我说,假如水土不服,老是想家时,可以把红纸包裹着的东西煮一点汤吃。这是一包灶上的泥土。——我在《一曲难忘》的电影里看到了东欧农业国家的波兰也有这类似的风俗,使我更领略了“土”在我们这种文化里所占和所应当占的地位了。

农业和游牧或工业不同,它是直接取资于土地的。游牧的人可以逐水草而居,飘忽无定;做工业的人可以择地而居,迁移无碍;而种地的人却搬不动地,长在土里的庄稼行动不得,侍候庄稼的老农也因之像是半身插入了土里,土气是因为不流动而发生的。

直接靠农业来谋生的人是黏着在土地上的。我遇见过一位在张北一带研究语言的朋友。我问他说在这一带的语言中有没有受蒙古语的影响。他摇了摇头,不但语言上看不出什么影响,其他方面也很少。他接着说:“村子里几百年来老是这几个姓,我从墓碑上去重构每家的家谱,清清楚楚的,一直到现在还是那些人。乡村里的人口似乎是附着在土上的,一代一代地下去,不太有变动。”——这结论自然应当加以条件的,但是大体上说,这是乡土社会的特性之一。我们很可以相信,以农为生的人,世代定居是常态,迁移是变态。大旱大水,连年兵乱,可以使一部分农民抛井离乡;即使像抗战这样大事件所引起基层人口的流动,我相信还是微乎其微的。

当然,我并不是说中国乡村人口是固定的。这是不可能的,因为人口在增加,一块地上只要几代的繁殖,人口就到了饱和点;过剩的人口自得宣泄出外,负起锄头去另辟新地。可是老根是不常动的。这些宣泄出外的人,像是从老树上被风吹出去的种子:找到土地的生存了,又形成一个小小的家族殖民地;找不到土地的也就在各式各样的命运下被淘汰了,或是“发迹”了。我在广西靠近瑶山的区域里还看见过这类从老树上吹出来的种子,拼命在垦地。在云南,我看见过这类种子所长成的小村落,还不过是两三代的事;我在那里也看见过找不着地的那些“孤魂”,以及死了给狗吃的路毙尸体。

不流动是从人和空间的关系上说的,从人和人在空间的排列关系上说就是孤立和隔膜。孤立和隔膜并不是以个人为单位的,而是以一处住在的集团为单位的。本来,从农业本身来看,许多人群居在一处是无须的。耕种活动里分工的程度很浅,至多在男女间有一些分工,好像女的插秧,男的锄地等。这种合作与其说是为了增加效率,不如说是因为在某一时间男的忙不过来,家里人出来帮帮忙罢了。耕种活动中既不向分工专业方面充分发展,农业本身也就没有聚集许多人住在一起的需要了。我们看见乡下有大小不同的聚居社区,也可以想到那是出于农业本身以外的原因了。

乡下最小的社区可以只有一户人家。夫妇和孩子聚居于一处有着两性和抚育上的需要。无论在什么性质的社会里,除了军队、学校这些特殊的团体外,家庭总是最基本的抚育社群。在中国乡下这种只有一户人家的小社区是不常见的。在四川的山区种梯田的地方,可能有这类情形,大多的农民是聚村而居。这一点对于我们乡土社会的性质很有影响。美国的乡下大多是一户人家自成一个单位,很少屋檐相接的邻舍。这是他们早年拓殖时代,人少地多的结果,同时也保持了他们个别负责、独来独往的精神。我们中国很少类似的情形。

中国农民聚村而居的原因大致说来有下列几点:一、每家所耕的面积小,所谓小农经营,所以聚在一起住,住宅和农场不会距离得过分远。二、需要水利的地方,他们有合作的需要,在一起住,合作起来比较方便。三、为了安全,人多了容易保卫。四、土地平等继承的原则下,兄弟分别继承祖上的遗业,使人口在一地方一代一代地积起来,成为相当大的村落。

无论出于什么原因,中国乡土社区的单位是村落,从三家村起可以到几千户的大村。我在上文所说的孤立、隔膜是以村与村之间的关系而说的。孤立和隔膜并不是绝对的,但是人口的流动率小,社区间的往来也必然疏少。我想我们很可以说,乡土社会的生活是富于地方性的。地方性是指他们活动范围有地域上的限制。在区域间接触少,生活隔离,各自保持着孤立的社会圈子。

乡土社会在地方性的限制下成了生于斯、死于斯的社会。常态的生活是终老是乡。假如在一个村子里的人都是这样的话,在人和人的关系上也就发生了一种特色,每个孩子都是在人家眼中看着长大的,在孩子眼里周围的人也是从小就看惯的。这是一个“熟悉”的社会,没有陌生人的社会。


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