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Jingdong book

古典名著普及文库：三国志（上下）

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Books Novels Chinese classical novels

Jingdong book

古典名著普及文库：三国志（上下）

Name: 古典名著普及文库：三国志（上下）
Brand: Jingdong book
SKU: 3100010081
Price: 41.24 USD
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《三国志》与《史记》、《汉书》、《后汉书》并称为“四史”。作者陈寿，以其史识及叙事能力，在当时已有“良史之才”的称誉。《三国志》在二十四史中，有它自己的特点，它既不像《史记》那样的通史，也不像《汉书》一类史书那样的断代史，它平行地叙述东汉末年魏、蜀、吴三国鼎峙的史实。虽然名之为“志”，但是书里面只有纪和传，没有志。本书是裴松之的注释本。从现代人的角度论，裴注不单单是陈书的助读“功臣”，甚至可以将之和陈书视为反映魏蜀吴三国六十年鼎立历史的“双璧”。

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在吾国二十余部纪传体史书中，论者均推前四史为冠冕。在前四史中，《史记》，《汉书》之后，即是西晋陈寿所撰的《三国志》，而范哗《后汉书》作于南朝刘宋时，尚在《三国志》后一百余年，所以《三国志》可以说是紧承《史记》、《汉书》之后的一部史学名著。《晋书·陈寿传沦》渭：“丘明既没，班、马迭兴，奋鸿笔于西京，骋直辞于东观。白斯以降，分明竞爽，可以继明先典者，陈寿得之乎。”
《三国志》的作者陈寿，字承祚，巴西郡安汉县(今四川南充市)人。生于蜀汉建兴十一年癸丑(公元233年)，卒于晋惠帝元康七年丁巳(公元297年)，年65岁。
陈寿少时受学于同郡史学家谯周，“聪慧敏识，属文富艳”(《华阳国志》卷11《陈寿传》)。在蜀汉时，陈寿出仕为东观秘书郎、散骑黄门侍郎。当时宦者黄皓专权，许多朝臣都谄附他，陈寿独不然，所以屡被谴黜。
公元263年，蜀汉为曹魏所灭，这时陈寿31岁。两年之后，司马炎夺取曹魏政权，建立晋朝，是为晋武帝。先是，陈寿居父丧时，有病，使侍婢凋治药丸，当时人认为此事触犯封建礼教，加以贬责，因此，蜀汉灭亡之后，陈寿废累年。后来司空张华欣赏陈寿的才华，替他辩护，于是陈寿被举为孝廉，作佐著作郎，又迁著作郎，出补平阳侯相。陈寿为著作郎时，中书监荀勖、中书令和峤奏使陈寿定蜀丞相诸葛亮故事。陈寿将诸葛亮的著作“删除复重，随类相从”，于晋武帝泰始十年(公元274年)在平阳侯相任上时，编成《诸葛亮集》二十四篇，奏于朝廷，并作了一篇表。表中对诸葛亮做了公允的评价，既称赞其“逸群之才，英霸之器”，同时也指出，他“治戎为长，奇谋为短，理民之干，优于将略”。表中又说，诸葛亮的“声教遗言，皆经事综物，公诚之心，形于文墨，足以知其人之意理而有补于当世”。不久，他又人为著作郎。陈寿为佐著作郎及著作郎时，都兼本郡中正。
晋武帝太康元年(公元280年)，晋灭吴。自汉末以来，分崩离析者前后约九十年，至此复归统一。这时陈寿48岁，他开始整理三国史事，著《魏书》、《蜀书》、《吴书》共65篇，称为《三国志》。张华看到这部书，很欣赏，将荐举陈寿为中书郎。权臣荀勖嫉妒张华，因此也不喜欢陈寿，授意吏部迁陈寿为长广太守。陈寿以母老为借口，辞官不就。镇南大将军杜预表荐陈寿为散骑侍郎，朝廷任命他为治书侍御史。他奏上《官司论》了篇，依据典故，议所因革。后来因母死丁忧去职。他母亲临死时，遗言葬于洛阳，陈寿遵照办理。当时清议认为陈寿不以母丧归葬于蜀中故乡是不对的，于是又遭到贬议。数年之后，起为太子中庶子，还未就职，就病死了。西晋时，朝政腐败，权贵恣肆，陈寿才学出众，以蜀中文士出仕中朝，受到排挤是很自然的；而蜀中文士与陈寿同时人洛者，不乏才俊，如寿良、李骧等，又与陈寿情好不终，常相诋议(《华阳国志》卷11《王化传》、《陈寿传》、《李宓传》)，也增加了陈寿仕途的坎坷。所以陈寿终身仕宦不得志。《华阳国志，陈寿传》说：“位望不充其才，当时冤之。”
陈寿之所以能撰写《三国志》这样的不朽名著，并非偶然。他在史学方面早就有深厚的修养。陈寿师事同郡谯周，谯周是一位博学的人，曾著《古史考》。在谯周的教导之下，陈寿从少时起，就喜欢读古代历史名著如《尚书》、《春秋三传》、《史记》、《汉书》等，了解撰
写史书的方法、义例、别裁、通识。后来他自己撰写史书，先从地方史做起。自东汉初以来，蜀郡郑伯邑、赵彦信、汉中陈申伯、祝元灵、广汉王文表等，都是博学洽闻，留心乡邦人物的，曾作《巴蜀耆旧传》。陈寿认为他们的著作还有不足之处，于是除巴、蜀外，又包括汉中，撰《益部耆旧传》10篇。此外，他又撰《古国志》50篇，品藻典雅，而最精心结撰的则是《三国志》。《益部耆旧传》与《古国志》都已亡佚了，只有《三国志》流传下来。

Catalogue

卷一魏书一
卷二魏书二
卷三魏书三
卷四魏书四
卷五魏书五
卷六魏书六
卷七魏书七
卷八魏书八
卷九魏书九
卷十魏书十
卷十一魏书十一
卷十二魏书十二
卷十三魏书十三
卷十四魏书十四
卷十五魏书十五
卷十六魏书十六
卷十七魏书十七
卷十八魏书十八
卷十九魏书十九
卷二十魏书二九
卷二十一魏书二十一
卷二十二魏书二十二
卷二十三魏书二十三
卷二十四魏书二十四
卷二十五魏书二十五
卷二十六魏书二十六
卷二十七魏书二十七
卷二十八魏书二十八
卷二十九魏书二十九
卷三十魏书三十
卷三十一蜀书一
卷三十二蜀书二
卷三十三蜀书三
卷三十四蜀书四
卷三十五蜀书五
卷三十六蜀书六
卷三十七蜀书七
卷三十八蜀书八
卷三十九蜀书九
卷四十蜀书十
卷四十一蜀书十一
卷四十二蜀书十二
卷四十三蜀书十三
卷四十四蜀书十四
卷四十五蜀书十五
卷四十六吴书一
卷四十七吴书二
卷四十八吴书三
卷四十九吴书四
卷五十吴书五
卷五十一吴书六
卷五十二吴书七
卷五十三吴书八
卷五十四吴书九
卷五十五吴书十
卷五十六吴书十一
卷五十七吴书十二
卷五十八吴书十三
卷五十九吴书十四
卷六十吴书十五
卷六十一吴书十六
卷六十二吴书十七
卷六十三吴书十八
卷六十四吴书十九
卷六十五吴书二十
附录
校记
岳麓本《三国专门》修订后记
……

Book Abstract

建安元年春正月，太祖军，临武平，袁术所置陈相袁嗣降。太祖将迎夫子，诸将或疑，荀彧、程昱劝之，乃遣曹洪将兵西迎，卫将军董承与袁术将苌奴拒险，洪不得进。
汝南、颍川黄巾何仪、刘辟、黄邵、何曼等，众各数万，初应袁术，又附孙坚。二月，太祖进军讨破之，斩(辟)邵等，仪及其众皆降。天子拜太祖建德将军。夏六月，迁镇东将军，封费亭侯。秋七月，杨奉、韩暹以天子还洛阳①，奉别屯梁。太祖遂至洛阳，卫京都，暹遁走。天子假太祖节钺，录尚书事②。洛阳残破，董昭等劝太祖都许。九月，车驾出轘辕而东，以太祖为大将军，封武平侯。白天子西迁，朝廷日乱，至是宗庙社稷制度始立③。
①《献帝春秋》曰：天子初至洛阳，幸城西故中常侍赵忠宅。使张杨缮治宫室，名殿曰杨安殿，八月，帝乃迁居。
②《献帝纪》曰：又领司隶校尉。
③张璠《汉纪》曰：初，天子败于曹阳，欲浮河东下，侍中太史令王立曰：“自去春太白犯镇星于牛斗，过天津，荧惑又逆行守北河，不可犯也。”由是天子遂不北渡河。将自轵关东出，立又谓宗正刘艾曰：“前太白守天关，与荧惑会；金火交会，革命之象也。汉祚终矣，晋、魏必有兴者。”立后数言于帝曰：“天命有去就，五行不常盛，代火者土也，承汉者魏也，能安天下者，曹姓也，唯委任曹氏而已。”公闻之，使人语立曰：“知公忠于朝廷，然天道深远，幸勿多言。”
天子之东也，奉自梁欲要之，不及。冬十月，公征奉，奉南奔袁术，遂攻其梁屯，拔之。于是以袁绍为太尉，绍耻班在公下，不肯受。公乃固辞，以大将军让绍。天子拜公司空，行车骑将军。是岁用枣祗、韩浩等议，始兴屯田①。
吕布袭刘备，取下邳。备来奔。程昱说公曰：“观刘备有雄才而甚得众心，终不为人下，不如早图之。”公曰：“方今收英雄时也，杀一人而失天下之心，不可。”张济自关中走南阳。济死，从子绣领其众。二年春正月，公到宛。张绣降，既而悔之，复反。公与战，军败，为流矢所中，长子昂、弟子安民遇害②。公乃引兵还舞阴，绣将骑来抄，公击破之。绣奔穰，与刘表合。公谓诸将曰：“吾降张绣等，失不便取其质，以至于此。吾知所以败。诸卿观之，自今已后不复败矣。”遂还许③。
袁术欲称帝于淮南，使人告吕布。布收其使，上其书。术怒，攻布，为布所破。秋九月，术侵陈，公东征之。术闻公自来，弃军走，留其将桥蕤、李丰、梁纲、乐就；公到，击破蕤等，皆斩之。术走渡淮，公还许。公之自舞阴还也，南阳、章陵诸县复叛为绣，公遣曹洪击之，不利，还电叶，数为绣、表所侵。冬十一月，公自南征，至宛④。表将邓济据湖阳。攻拔之，生擒济，湖阳降。攻舞阴，下之。
①《魏书》曰：自遭荒乱，率乏粮谷。诸军并起，无终岁之计，饥则寇略，饱则弃余，瓦解流离，无敌自破者不可胜数。袁绍之在河北，军人仰食桑椹。袁术在江、淮，取给蒲赢。民人相食，州里萧条。公曰：“夫定国之术，在寸：强兵足食，秦人以急农兼天下，孝武以屯田定西域，此先代之良式也。”足岁乃募民屯田许下，得谷百万斛。于是州郡例置田官，所在积谷。征伐四方，尤运粮之劳，遂兼灭群贼，克平天下。
②《魏书》曰：公所乘马名绝影，为流矢所中，伤颊及足，并中公右臂。《世语》曰：昂不能骑，进马于公，公故免，而昂遇害。
③《世语》曰：旧制，三公领兵人见，皆交戟叉颈而前。初，公将讨张绣，入觐天子，时始复此制。公自此不复朝见。
④《魏书》曰：临淯水，祠亡将士，歔欷流涕，众皆感恸。
三年春正月，公还许，初置军师祭酒。三月，公围张绣于穰。夏五月，刘表遣兵救绣，以绝军后①。公将引还，绣兵来[追]，公军不得进，连营稍前。公与荀或书曰：“贼来追吾，虽日行数里，吾策之，到安众，破绣必矣。”到安众，绣与表兵合守险，公军前后受敌。公乃夜凿险为地道，悉过辎重，设奇兵。会明，贼谓公为遁也，悉军长追。乃纵奇兵步骑夹攻，大破之。秋七月，公还许。荀彧问公：“前以策贼必破，何也？”公曰：“虏遏吾归师，而与吾死地战，吾是以知胜矣。”
吕布复为袁术使高顺攻刘备，公遣夏侯惇救之，不利。备为顺所败。九月，公东征布。冬十月，屠彭城，获其相侯谐。进至下邳，布自将骑逆击。大破之，获其骁将成廉。追至城下，布恐，欲降。陈宫等沮其计，求救于术，劝布出战；战又败，乃还固守。攻之不下。时公连战，士卒罢，欲还，用荀攸、郭嘉计，遂决泗、沂水以灌城。月余，布将宋宪、魏续等执陈宫，举城降，生禽布、宫，皆杀之。太山臧霸、孙观、吴敦、尹礼、昌稀各聚众。布之破刘备也，等悉从布。布败，获霸等，公厚纳待，遂割青、徐二州附于海以委焉，分琅邪、东海、北海为城阳、利城、昌虑郡。
初，，公为兖州，以东平毕谌为别驾。张邈之叛也，邈劫谌母弟妻子；公谢遣之，曰：“卿老母在彼，可去。”谌顿首无二心，公嘉之，为之流涕。既出，遂亡归。及布破，谌生得，众为谌惧，公曰：“夫人孝于其亲者，岂不亦忠于君乎！吾所求也。”以为鲁相②。
①《献帝春秋》曰：袁绍叛卒诣公云：“田丰使绍早袭许，若挟天予以令诸侯，四海可指麾而定。”公乃解绣围。
②《魏书》曰：袁绍宿与故太尉杨彪、大长秋梁绍、少府孔融有隙，欲使公以他过诛之。公曰：“当今天下土崩瓦解，雄豪并起，辅相君长，人怀快怏，各有自为之心，此上下相疑之秋也，虽以无嫌待之，犹惧未信；如有所除，则谁不自危？且夫起布衣，在尘垢之间，为庸人之所陵陷，町胜怨乎！高祖赦雍齿之仇而群情以安，如何忘之？”绍以为公外托公义，内实离异，深怀怨望。臣松之以为杨彪亦曾为魏武所困，几至于死，孔融竟不免于诛灭，岂所谓“先行其言而后从之”哉！非知之难，其在行之，信矣。
明帝即位，进封兰陵侯，增邑五百，并前千二百户。使至邺省文昭皇后陵，见百姓或有不足。是时方营修宫室，朗上疏曰：“陛下即位已来，恩诏屡布，百姓万民莫不欣欣。臣顷奉使北行，往反道路，闻众徭役，其可得蠲除省减者甚多。愿陛下重留日昃之听，以计制寇。昔大禹将欲拯天下之大患，故乃先卑其宫室，俭其衣食，用能尽有九州，弼成五服。句践欲广其御儿之疆①，馘夫差于姑苏，故亦约其身以及家，俭其家以施国，用能囊括五湖，席卷三江，取威中国，定霸华夏。汉之文、景亦欲恢弘祖业，增崇洪绪，故能割意于百金之台，昭俭于弋绨之服，内减太官而不受贡献，外省徭赋而务农桑，用能号称升平，几致刑错。孝武之所以能奋其军势，拓其外境，诚因祖考蓄积素足，故能遂成大功。霍去病，中才之将，犹以匈奴未灭，不治第宅。明恤远者略近，事外者简内。自汉之初及其中兴，皆于金革略寝之后，然后凤阙猥闶，德阳并起。今当建始之前足用列朝会，崇华之后足用序内官，华林、天渊足用展游宴，若且先成阊阉之象魏，使足用列远人之朝贡者，修城池，使足用绝逾越，成国险，其余一切，且须丰年。一以勤耕农为务，习戎备为事，则国无怨旷，户口滋息，民充兵强，而寇戎不宾，缉熙不作，未之有也。”转为司徒。
时屡失皇子，而后宫就馆者少，朗上疏曰：“昔周文十五而有武王，遂享十子之祚，以广诸姬之胤。武王既老而生成王，成王是以鲜于兄弟。此二王者，各树圣德，无以相过，比其子孙之祚，则不相如。盖生育有早晚，所产有众寡也。陛下既德祚兼彼二圣，春秋高于姬文育武之时矣，而子发未举于椒兰之奥房，藩王未繁于掖庭之众室。以成王为喻，虽未为晚，取譬伯邑，则不为夙。《周礼》六宫内官百二十人，而诸经常说，咸以十二为限，至于秦汉之末，或以千百为数矣。然虽弥猥，而就时于吉馆者或甚鲜，明‘百斯男’之本，诚在于一意，不但在于务广也。老臣偻偻，愿国家同祚于轩辕之五五，而未及周文之二五，用为伊邑。且少小常苦被褥泰温，泰温则不能便柔肤弱体，是以难可防护，而易用感慨。若常令少小之组袍不至于甚厚，则必咸保金石之性，而比寿于南山矣。”帝报曰：“夫忠至者辞笃，爱重者言深。君既劳思虑，又手笔将顺，三复德音，欣然无量。朕继嗣未立，以为君忧，钦纳至言，思闻良规。”朗著《易》、《春秋》、《孝经》、《周官》传，奏议论记，咸传于世②。太和二年薨，谥曰成侯。子肃嗣。初，文帝分朗户邑，封一子列侯，朗乞封兄子详。
①御儿，吴界边戍之地名。
②《魏略》曰：朗本名严，后改为朗。《魏书》曰：朗高才博雅，而性严整慷慨，多威仪，恭俭节约，自婚姻中表礼贽无所受。常讥世俗有好施之名，而不恤穷贱，故用财以周急为先。
肃字子雍。年十八，从宋忠读，《太玄》，而更为之解①。黄初中，为蔽弱：黄门侍郎。太和三年，拜散骑常侍。四年，大司马曹真征蜀，肃上疏曰：“前志有之：‘千里馈粮，士有饥色，樵苏后爨，师不宿饱。’此谓平涂之行军者也。又况于深入阻险，凿路而前，则其为劳必相百也。今又加之以霖雨，山坂峻滑，众逼而不展，粮县而难继，实行军者之大忌也。闻曹真发已逾月而行裁半谷，治道功夫，战士悉作。是贼偏得以逸而待劳，乃兵家之所惮也。言之前代，则武王伐纣，出关而复还；论之近事，则武、文征权，临江而不济。岂非所谓-顺天知时，通于权变者哉！兆民知圣上以水雨艰剧之故，休而息之，后日有衅，乘而用之，则所谓‘悦犯难，民忘其死’者矣。”于是遂罢。又上疏：“宜遵旧礼，为大臣发哀，荐果宗庙。”事皆施行。又上疏陈政本日：“除无事之位，损不急之禄，止浮食之费，并从容之官；使官必有职，职任其事，事必受禄，禄代其耕，乃往古之常式，当今之所宜也。官寡而禄厚，则公家之费鲜，进仕之志劝。各展才力，莫相倚仗。敷奏以言，明试以功，能之与否，简在帝心。是以唐、虞之设官分职，申命公卿，各以其事，然后惟龙为纳言，犹今尚书也，以出内帝命而已。夏、殷不可得而详。《甘誓》曰‘六事之人’，明六卿亦典事者也。《周官》则备矣，五日视朝，公卿大夫并进，而司士辨其位焉。其《记》曰：‘坐而论道，谓之王公；作而行之，谓之士大夫。’及汉之初，依拟前代，公卿皆亲以事升朝。故高祖躬追反走之周昌，武帝遥可奉奏之汲黯，宣帝使公卿五日一朝，成帝始置尚书五人。自是陵迟，朝礼遂阙。可复五日视朝之仪，使公卿

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