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Jingdong book

平衡木上的中国

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平衡木上的中国

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用思考记录我们的时代。发展之道,在于共享;治理之道,在于平衡。


Content Description

《平衡木上的中国》聚焦于当代中国的阶层问题与国家治理。改革开放以来,中国社会变得日益多元化,私人利益和群体性的利益表达逐步获得正当性,市场和社会从国家的身影下成长起来,未来或可比肩而立。进入21世纪,经济奇迹的另一面逐渐显现出来,环境污染、地区差距和贫富分化正在撕裂中国社会的肌体。如何平衡增长与稳定、经济与环境、国家与社会、效率与公平,以及不同阶层、不同地区之间的利益分化,是当前中国无法回避的难题。如果说改革开放前三十年,中国处在经济增长的快车道,可以大胆地变道超车;那么,当下的中国已然置身于平衡木之上,必须越过左右,整合各方,以制度化的方式平衡公共利益与私人利益,在殊异乃至冲突的利益诉求中寻找公约数。发展之道,在于共享;治理之道,在于平衡。


Author Description

熊易寒,1980年生,复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院副教授、博士。主要研究方向为政治社会学和比较政治学,近期主要关注城市新移民问题、地方治理、收入不平等和族群冲突,在China Quarterly(《中国季刊》)、《社会学研究》、《开放时代》、《社会》、《读书》等国内外学术刊物上发表论文二十余篇,入选上海市晨光计划、复旦大学卓学计划,主持省部级项目5项,代表作为《城市化的孩子:农民工子女的身份生产与政治社会化》(上海人民出版社2010年),该书荣获上海市哲学社会科学优秀成果著作类二等奖,并入选上海市社会科学博士文库和上海市中华学术精品外译项目。另有论文获得上海市哲学社会科学优秀成果一等奖与上海市邓小平理论研究和宣传优秀成果一等奖。


Catalogue

自序

第一编中国底层社会观察

命运的政治学

底层、学校与阶级再生产

第二代移民的生活机遇与分配正义

公民劳动者:农民工的尊严、权利与梦想

新生代农民工的权利意识

中国农民工真的不重视家庭团聚吗?

流动中的婚姻关系与单亲留守儿童

新穷人的全球图景

第二编失衡:利益分化与社会冲突

沿海地区新阶层的兴起与城市治理

叉腰肌、业委会与社区管理

乡村社会的公共性与村庄治理

市场“脱嵌”与环境冲突

高校工资改革:人应该比设备贵!

素质教育、职业教育与社会流动

第三编政治平衡术

官员GDP崇拜的体制性根源

地方政府要告别压力型体制

环保教育、环境运动与国家战略

寻找公约数:利益政治时代的冲突与协商

后记

编后记


Book Abstract

命运的政治学

我们更愿意让农民工作为弱者接受我们的帮助,而不愿意让他们成为我们的一分子。而事实上,他们不是弱者,他们只是缺少基本的权利。

一、人生的岔路口

1999年9月,某个阳光灿烂的日子,我乘坐姑父的小车,进入了我的大学。差不多同一时间,以两分之差落榜的同桌兄弟搭上了南下深圳的火车,在那里开始了他的打工生涯。那是一个平凡的日子,以至于我忘掉了日期。在多年以后,我才意识到,那是我人生的一个岔路口。在那一天,我和同桌兄弟一起告别了农村,不同的是,我办理了户口迁移手续,而他的户口还留在原地。

大学一年级的时候,我和同桌兄弟保持着密切联系。我跟他讲述大学里的逸闻趣事,丰富多彩的校园生活;他跟我诉说工厂劳动的酸甜苦辣,在那里,再没有人欣赏他漂亮的钢笔字,再没有人崇拜他丰富的历史知识,才华在忙碌的流水线上找不到位置,尤其让他感到挫败的是,高中毕业的他不得不接受一个初中毕业生的管理。我们的生活大相径庭,唯一的共同点是我们都会抱怨食堂的糟糕伙食。大约一年后,随着他工作地点的频繁变动,随着我们共同话题的日益减少,我们渐渐失去了联系。

直到2009年的春节,我们在老家的街头不期而遇。他抱着一个襁褓中的孩子,他的妻子牵着一个背书包的小女孩。他们夫妇现在在东莞打工,哺乳期的小儿子跟在身边,上学的女儿交由老家的父母照看。我们激动地寒暄着,多数时候都是我在发问,而他最关心的问题是我一个月赚多少钱,穷追不舍,让我不知所措。临别握手的时候,我才发现他的右手失去了两根手指!我猛然想起,在多年前通电话的时候,他曾经告诉我,一个工友不小心轧断了手指,这让他忧心忡忡:有一天我的手指会不会也被机器轧断?

他留给我一个手机号码,几天后我打过去却是空号。在那一天,我忍不住热泪盈眶,我想起十年前的九月,从那时起,我们便分道扬镳了,一个向左,一个向右,只是当时我们没有意识到而已。十年以后,我成为一名大学教师、一名政治学者,而他和他的孩子则成为我的研究对象——农民工及其子女。命运让我们看起来如此不同,而我知道,我们曾经多么相似……


Introduction

自序

如果1978年以来的三十年,中国社会的主旋律是“速度与激情”,是迈向经济大国的疾步奔跑,那么,最近几年,中国的主旋律则慢慢转向了“中道与平衡”。如果说过去三十年缔造了举世瞩目的中国奇迹,那么,现在我们需要将眼光转向奇迹的另一面——日益严重的环境污染、地区差距和贫富分化。只有正视这些问题,中国奇迹才会从不可思议的“奇迹”转变为理所当然的“常态”。“奇迹”的潜台词是我们不知道这一切是如何发生的,也不知道这一切还能持续多久;而波澜不惊的“常态”则意味着经济增长有了制度性的保障。

如何平衡增长与稳定、经济与环境、国家与社会、效率与公平,以及不同阶层、不同地区之间的利益分化,这是当前中国无法回避的难题。上述诸矛盾,可谓相生相克。高速度、低质量的经济增长会破坏社会稳定,但社会稳定在很大程度上又依赖经济增长;环境污染让人们深恶痛绝,但污染企业同时也在提供就业、创造利税;国家如何在为社会赋权的过程中,减少对社会不必要的干预,同时保持强大有效的国家能力;效率需要一定程度的不平等以形成选择性激励,但过度的不平等又会损害人们的积极性。社会分层让人们又爱又恨,阶层的固化让底层的孩子们失去希望,可是一个完全流动、父辈地位无法继承的社会(事实上不可能存在),又会让中上层的父母失去念想。穷孩子渴望社会流动,富爸爸期待地位延续,二者都有其合理性。在阶级再生产与社会流动之间找到一个适当的平衡点,才是一个充满活力又相对稳定的社会。在任何国家,区域之间的经济差距在所难免,这也是推动人口流动的最主要动因,人们总是流向最具经济活力的地方,那里收入更高、机会更多;人口流动在一定程度上也促进了区域经济发展的平衡,长期的人口流动会使地区之间的收入水平趋近。可以毫不夸张地说,移民的多寡是一座城市繁荣与否的标志。然而,我们的一些城市却视外来人口为洪水猛兽,认为他们是交通拥挤、房价高企、犯罪率上升等一切城市病的渊薮。

正是由于利益的失衡,当下中国的社会冲突频仍:环境抗争、邻避运动、土地抗争、劳资冲突、拆迁矛盾、群体性事件层出不穷。这些冲突实际上反映了增长与稳定、经济与环境、效率与公平之间的矛盾,也反映了不同阶层之间的利益分化。社会冲突并非洪水猛兽,任何社会都存在不同形式的冲突,一定程度的冲突还有助于社会的自我革新。关键的问题是,如何用制度化的方式来回应和解决社会冲突?

制度化的本质就是稳定行动者的预期,进而塑造行动者的行为。长期以来,中国的维稳体系都是用特事特办、个案处理的非制度化方式来应对社会冲突。这种维稳体系的经济成本和社会成本非常高,而且缺乏程序正义,往往是“小闹小解决,大闹大解决,不闹不解决”。最终,不仅大量的人力物力财力被消耗,政治信任也在这一过程中被侵蚀。

制度化的前提是社会的组织化。一个有活力的社会,绝不是原子化个人的集合体。商会、工会、业主委员会、NGO(非政府组织)等社会组织构成了公民与国家之间的中间地带。利益的组织化并不会让利益变得邪恶,而只是确保每一种利益都能被国家和社会听见。我们每一个个体的声音实在太微弱,加在一起又太嘈杂。任何国家都无法回应如此繁杂的诉求。利益组织化的过程让人们的利益得到聚合,从无限的混沌到有限的多元,经由国家的利益整合,公共利益也就呼之欲出了。私人利益可能出于人们的本能和欲望,是不证自明的;而公共利益只有被公众认同才称其为公共利益,公共利益一定是被国家和社会所建构的。建构公共利益的原则就是平衡,平衡就是正义。让每一个个体和群体都有机会进行利益表达,都接受一套程序和规则来对利益进行综合,并相信这个综合的利益至少包含了自身的部分利益。一个社会若没有罗尔斯所说的重叠共识,就很难建构所谓的公共利益。公共利益的背后是共识。有了被广泛接受的公共利益,才会有真正的公共政策和公共管理。

在我看来,政治的艺术在于平衡。如果承认人人平等的原则,那么一个合理的推论就是,对于政府而言,每一个公民和群体的合法利益诉求都是平等的,只不过不同的利益诉求将得到不同程度的实现。政府不能过度偏好某一类利益诉求,而无视另一些利益诉求,政府的角色是综合、调和形形色色、各不相同甚至彼此冲突的利益诉求。

当前中国的经济增长有趋缓的势头,长远来看,这未必是坏事。当一个国家的经济发展非常迅猛时,人们会普遍处于一种乐观的情绪当中,改革在某种程度上是不必要的;况且,形势那么好,人们也不愿意承担改革可能带来的巨大风险。GDP(国内生产总值)就是最好的面霜,有一白遮百丑之奇效。经济下行反而可能为改革提供契机。因为问题再也遮盖不住了。改革的潜在风险变小,潜在收益变大,也有利于改革的总动员。

我们也许无法让每一个孩子站在同一条起跑线上,但我们不应该为那些输在起跑线上的孩子设置障碍,并对这些完成110米跨栏的孩子说:“别人的百米跑成绩比你们快多了!”这是程序正义。我们也许无法让雾霾在短期内消失,但这并不意味着我们就可以心安理得地将治理污染的任务交给下一代,更严格的环境执法未必会让经济形势恶化,相反会驱使企业采用清洁节能的新技术,而这又会刺激环保产业的发展,降低环保设备和技术的成本。这是环境正义。我们也许无法弥合中国的地区差距,但我们至少可以让不同地区的人们自由地流动起来,让市场将他们配置到最能实现他们价值的地方,并让公共服务同步跟进,这将比财政转移支付更能推动区域经济发展的平衡。让公共资源服务于人的发展,而不是将其变为束缚人的工具。这是分配正义。


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Brand Jingdong book
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