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国学大师丛书:陈寅恪评传

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国学大师丛书:陈寅恪评传

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著名史学家汪荣祖教授的成名之作。

作者在深入研读陈氏的诗词、文扎的基础上,全景式呈现了陈氏一生的学术历程与思想。对陈氏的史学成就与地位有持平之论,对陈氏寄托感情的《论再生缘》与《柳如是别传》等力作亦有中肯的评析。

助读者读懂一代史学宗师陈寅恪学术思想的灵魂——“独立之精神,自由之思想”。

Content Description

《国学大师丛书:陈寅恪评传》以春秋笔法对近代闻名遐尔的大史学家陈寅恪的家世、生平、人品风骨、为学风范和学术成就,以及陈寅恪与胡适等学者名流的交往进行了细致入微的描述和入情入理的评介。“治学为人”与“精诚为国”两条基线贯穿全书,读来使人感奋不已
Author Description

汪荣祖,毕业于台北大学,后留学美国,获美国西雅图华盛顿大学历史学博士学位。历任美国弗吉尼亚州立大学教授,美中交流学者,澳大利亚国立大学访问研究员,上海复旦大学以及台湾师范大学、政治大学、台北大学等校客座教授,2003年起就任台湾嘉义中正大学讲座教授。著作有《史家陈寅恪传》、《康章合论》、《史传通说》、《走向世界的挫折:郭嵩焘与道咸同光时代》、《史学九章》、《追寻失落的圆明园》、《诗情史意》等十余种。
Comments

★《国学大师丛书》表现了近代中西文明冲撞交融的繁盛景况,了表现一代人有一代人之学术的丰富内容,试图评述近现代著名学者的生平及其学术贡献,规模宏大,意义深远。
——张岱年
Catalogue

陈寅恪评传
总序张岱年/001
重写近代诸子春秋钱宏(执笔)/004
《陈寅恪评传》前言/001
新写本前言/002
第1章旧时王谢家/001
第2章思想在同光之间/023
第3章较乾嘉诸老更上一层/036
第4章清华学苑多英杰/046
第5章转徙西南天地间/059
第6章为不古不今之学—佛教史考证/071
第7章为不古不今之学—唐史研究/086
第8章为不古不今之学—诗史互证/114
第9章为不古不今之学—六朝史论/123
第10章去国欲枯双目泪/134
第11章流寓岭南/142
第12章论韩愈/149
第13章异代春闺梦里词/157
第14章然脂瞑写费搜寻/163
第15章废残难豹隐/175
第16章与天壤而同久/186
附录一参考书目/193
附录二陈寅恪与乾嘉考据学/208
附录三纪念陈寅恪教授国际学术讨论会闭幕式讲话/214
附录四胡适与陈寅恪/216
Book Abstract

陈寅恪评传
寅恪在欧美留学多年,未曾猎取任何学位,完完全全为读书而读书。萧公权说:
我知道若干中国学者在欧美大学中研读多年,只求学问,不受学位。史学名家陈寅恪先生是其中最特出的一位。真有学问的人绝不需要硕士、博士头衔去装点门面。不幸是有些留学生过于重视学位而意图巧取。他们选择学校、院系、课程,以至论文题目,多务在避难就易。他们得着了学位,但所得的学问却打了折扣。更不幸的是另有一些人在国外混了几年,回国后自称曾经某大学授予某学位。他们凭着假学位做幌子,居然在国内教育界或其他事业中混迹。①
此种巧取与混迹的留学生颇多,更不幸的是,他们回国之后,贩卖一知半解的西洋知识,且以打倒固有文化而自高,而一些未出国门的学者,历经国家挫败之余,惑于西方物质文明魅力,亦随声唱和,造成极端反传统全盘西化思潮。尤其是五四之后,激烈之风弥漫一世:“非全盘西化即保守,非革命即反动。”梅光迪曾指出,提倡全盘西化的新文化论者是“功名之士”,而非真正的“学问家”②。可谓一针见血。但“功名之士”当道,梅光迪等人的言论遂难有矫枉之效。
寅恪回国以后,专心学问,从未参预政治;对社会文化问题,也很少发表意见。然他并非象牙塔里学者,他有自己的原则与立场,而且并不隐藏其原则与立场,更不因势利而改变原则与立场。李璜与寅恪有过接触,特能道出此点:
我近年历阅学术界之纪念陈氏者,大抵集中于其用力学问之勤、学识之富、著作之精,而甚少提及其对国家民族爱护之深与其本于理性,而明辨是非善恶之切,酒酣耳热,顿露激昂。我亲见之,不似象牙塔中人,此其所以后来写出吊王观堂(国维)先生之挽词而能哀感如此动人也。③
寅恪吊王国维的挽词不仅是哀感动人,实亦表露寅恪自身的思想趋向。④
他对王氏的同情是深切的,他觉得军阀混战的民国还不如晚清的政局—“依稀廿载忆光宣,犹是开元全盛年”;人才亦不如晚清—“海宇承平娱旦暮,京华冠盖萃英贤”;变法维新虽好,但清廷坐失时机,以致倾覆—“君宪徒闻俟九年,庙谟已是争孤注”。清廷的倾覆只是王氏自杀的远因,不只是对朝廷效忠问题,而是有形的社会制度既变,无形的思想便无所依托,而王氏亦因而不得不死。
这是寅恪对王氏之死的分析。这分析亦显示二氏的不尽相同,王氏觉痛苦之深,不能自拔,然不知所以痛苦;而寅恪深知王氏之苦,更知其所以苦—“自道光之季,迄乎今日,社会经济之制度,以外族之侵迫,致剧疾之变迁,纲纪之说,无所凭依,不待外来学说之掊击,而已销沉沦丧于不知觉之间”。又说:“盖今日之赤县神州,值数千年未有之巨劫奇变;劫竟变穷,则此文化精神所凝聚之人,安得不与之共命同尽?”①寅恪知王氏精神痛苦之深切,于此可见。
但寅恪较为“客观”而“自觉”,故不必与旧文化共尽,犹能“处身于不夷不惠之间,托命于非驴非马之国”②;但在新旧中西交杂之世,他对旧文化的卫护态度始终未变。在王国维挽词中,他盛赞张之洞的“中体西用”说;北伐之后,他仍说:“思想囿于咸丰同治之世,议论近乎湘乡南皮之间。”③
五四以后之人,若看到寅恪赞誉体用之说,且自比思想在曾国藩和张之洞之间,必定大为惊异。以彼之见,前清维新健将如康有为、严复等都是顽固人物,何况更为“稳健”之曾国藩和张之洞?而寅恪就认为稳健才是至要的政治和文化态度。不稳健,政治必不稳定,文化必遭摧残。当年宝箴与三立父子虽都赞同变法,但并不赞成康梁的“激进”态度。就此点而论,陈氏父子原与曾国藩和张之洞为一派,而不与康梁同流。宝箴三立父子在戊戌变法时力主之洞赴京主持维新,岂是偶然之举?寅恪在思想上显然承继家风,然不必自囿于咸、同和曾、张;其生也晚,知识和眼界都非前人可比。所以,寅恪所承继者乃一稳健而开明的“基调”—非守旧落后,乃是折衷调和。此一“基调”与五四以后之学风正属异趣。寅恪评论当时的科学与玄学论辩有云:“不通家法科学玄学”;评中西文化论战曰:“语无伦次中文西文”①。很多人以此为戏言,但未尝没有严肃一面,未尝没有讽谏的意思。
寅恪欣赏张之洞体用说,亦有其故。张氏的中体西用说常成嘲笑对象,论者以为牛体不能作为马用②。其实中体西用说,明季西洋巧技入华已开始萌芽。光绪初年持此说者已不少;甲午以后,更加风行,无非表现本土学者对外来新文化挑战的反应,从分辨中西文化,反省中国文化,到适当处置西方文化③。就此而言,中体西用即为处置之法,以中学为体,以西学为用。体是“道”,是“本”,是“主”,是“内”;而用是“器”,是“末”,是“辅”,是“外”。可见体用之说不仅不排外,而且明言接纳外来文化之道;所谓接纳外来文化,并非抛弃本土文化,亦非喧宾夺主。可见中体西用乃“坚持传统文化”和“全盘西化”以外之第三途径,寅恪显然是赞成此一途径者。
严复讥讽体用说犹如马体牛用,因其仅就体用作最狭义的字面解释。严氏亦反对全盘西化,并不欲西方文化“喧宾夺主”,亦不欲见顽固派的把持。然则,就“基调”而言,严复也可说是中体西用论者④。
辜鸿铭在张之洞幕府甚久,深通西学,且于中学亦能识其大体,他的主张亦与之洞大致相同。是以张之洞实集前人之说,而于《劝学篇》中阐发之:
新旧兼学。四书、五经、中国史事、政书、地图为旧学;西政、西艺、西史为新学。旧学为体,新学为用,不使偏废。①
张氏欲接受西学而不放弃根本之主张甚为明显。当然,之洞所谓“根本”,过于强调纲常名教,但此有时代因素。他认为纲常名教乃纲纪之所系(辜鸿铭亦亟言纲纪之重要)。同时,之洞在世之日已洞悉有“西学”而无“中体”为本之害,且见洋人亦无不重其体,如“每日必诵耶稣经,示宗教也;小学堂先习拉丁文,示存古也。耶教拉丁即为彼邦之本,中国岂可无本?无本则如无辔之骑,无舵之舟。”所以在发展“西学”之前,必先有“中学”的根底。这正是张氏在谈中学之余,又谈“循序”的道理:
通我中国之学术文章,然后择西学之可以补吾阙者用之,西政之可以起吾疾者取之,斯有其益而无其害,如养生者,先有谷气而后可饫庶羞,疗病者先审脏腑而后可施药石。西学必先由中学,亦犹是矣。华文不深者不能译西书。②
之洞当然有其时代的局限性,如纲常名教其实是朝廷的根本,而未必是国家文化之根本。若将根本视作中国文化特性,则无可非议。寅恪谓南皮太保(张之洞)“中西体用资循诱”③,当然不是赞扬张氏的维护纲常名教,而是赞扬他能维护中国文化的特性。
五四以后,主张维护中国文化特性的人,虽然势寡人少,但颇多学兼中西之士,寅恪也是其中之一。他们虽沿袭中体西用说之主张,即不放弃固有文化,但更强调综合与创造,如梅光迪曾说:
改造固有文化,与吸收他人文化,皆须先有彻底研究,加以至明确之评判,副以至精当之手续,合千百融贯中西之通儒大师,宣导国人,蔚为风气,则四五十年成效必有可睹也。
……
Introduction

中华学术,源远流长。春秋战国时期,诸子并起,百家争鸣,呈现了学术思想的高度繁荣。两汉时代,经学成为正统;魏晋之世,玄学称盛;隋唐时代,儒释道三教并尊;到宋代而理学兴起:迨及清世,朴学蔚为主流。各个时代的学术各有特色。综观周秦以来至于近代,可以说有三次思想活跃的时期。第一次为春秋战国时期,诸子竞胜。第二次为北宋时代,张程关洛之学、荆公新学、苏氏蜀学,同时并兴,理论思维达到新的高度。第三次为近代时期,晚清以来,中国遭受列强的凌侵,出现了空前的民族危机,于是志士仁人、英才俊杰莫不殚精积思,探索救亡之道,各自立说,期于救国.形成中国学术思想史上的第三次众说竞胜的高潮。
试观中国近代的学风,有一显著的倾向,即融会中西。近代以来,西学东渐,对于中国学人影响渐深。深识之士,莫不资西学以立论。初期或止于浅尝,渐进乃达于深解。同时这些学者又具有深厚的旧学根柢,有较高的鉴别能力,故能在传统学术的基础之上汲取西方的智慧.从而达到较高的成就。
试以梁任公(启超)、章太炎(炳麟)、王静安(国维)、陈寅恪四家为例,说明中国近代学术融会中西的学风。梁任公先生尝评论自己的学术云:“康有为、梁启超、谭嗣同辈,……欲以构成一种不中不西即中即西之新学派,……盖固有之旧思想既根深蒂固,而外来之新思想又来源浅觳,汲而易竭,其支绌灭裂,固宜然矣。”(《清代学术概论》)所谓“不中不西即中即西”正表现了融合中西的倾向,不过梁氏对西学的了解不够深切而已。梁氏自称“适成为清代思想史之结束人物”,这未免过谦,事实上梁氏是近代中国的一个重要的启蒙思想家,诚如他自己所说“为《新民丛报》、《新小说》等诸杂志,……二十年来学子之思想颇蒙其影响,……其文条理明晰,笔锋常带感情,对于读者别有一种魔力焉”。梁氏虽未能提出自己的学说体系,但其影响是深巨的。他的许多学术史著作今日读之仍能受益。
章太炎先生在《蓟汉微言》中自述思想迁变之迹说:“少时治经,谨守朴学……及囚系上海,三岁不觌,专修慈氏世亲之书,……乃达大乘深趣……既出狱,东走日本,尽瘁光复之业,鞅掌余间,旁览彼土所译希腊德意志哲人之书……凡古近政俗之消息、社会都野之情状,华梵圣哲之义谛、东西学人之所说……操齐物以解纷,明天倪以为量,割制大理,莫不孙顺。”这是讲他兼明华梵以及西哲之说。有清一代,汉宋之学争论不休,章氏加以评论云:“世故有疏通知远、好为玄谈者,亦有言理密察、实事求是者,及夫主静主敬、皆足澄心……苟外能利物,内以遣忧,亦各从其志尔!汉宋争执,焉用调人?喻以四民各勤其业,瑕衅何为而不息乎?”这是表示,章氏之学已超越了汉学和宋学了。太炎更自赞云:“自揣平生学术,始则转俗成真,终乃回真向俗……秦汉以来,依违于彼是之间,局促于一曲之内,盖未尝睹是也。乃若昔人所谓专志精微,反致陆沉;穷研训诂,遂成无用者,余虽无腆.固足以雪斯耻。”太炎自负甚高,梁任公引此曾加评论云:“其所自述.殆非溢关。”章氏博通华梵及西哲之书,可谓超越前哲,但在哲学上建树亦不甚高,晚岁又回到朴学的道路上了。
王静安先生早年研习西方哲学美学,深造有得,用西方美学的观点考察中国文学,独辟蹊径,达到空前的成就。中年以后,专治经史,对于殷墟甲骨研究深细,发明了“二重证据法”,以出土文物与古代史传相互参证,达到了精确的论断,澄清了殷周史的许多问题。静安虽以遗老自居,但治学方法却完全是近代的科学方法,因而取得卓越的学术成就,受到学术界的广泛称赞。
陈寅恪先生博通多国的语言文字,以外文资料与中土旧籍相参证,多所创获。陈氏对于思想史更有深切的睿见,他在对于冯友兰《中国哲学史》的《审查报告》中论儒佛思想云:“是以佛教学说,能于吾国思想史上发生重大久远之影响者,皆经国人吸收改造之过程。其忠实输入不改本来面目者,若玄奘唯识之学,虽震动一时之人心,而卒归于消沉歇绝……在吾国思想史上……其真能于思想上自成系统,有所创获者,必须一方面吸收输入外来之学说,一方面不忘本来民族之地位。”这实在是精辟之论,发人深思。陈氏自称“平生为不古不今之学,思想囿于咸丰同治之世,议论近乎曾湘乡张南皮之间”,但是他的学术成就确实达到了时代的高度。
此外,如胡适之在文化问题上倾向于“全盘西化论”,而在整理国故方面做出了多方面的贡献。冯友兰先生既对于中国哲学史进行了系统的阐述,又于40年代所著《贞元六书》中提出了自己的融会中西的哲学体系,晚年努力学习马克思主义,表现了热爱真理的哲人风度。
胡适之欣赏龚定庵的诗句:“但开风气不为师。”熊十力先生则以师道自居。熊氏戛戛独造,自成一家之言,赞扬辩证法,但不肯接受唯物论。冯友兰早年拟接续程朱之说,晚岁归依马克思主义唯物论。这些大师都表现了各自的特点。这正是学术繁荣,思想活跃的表现。
百花洲文艺出版社有鉴于中国近现代国学大师辈出,群星灿烂,构成中国思想史上第三次思想活跃的时代,决定编印《国学大师丛书》,以表现近代中西文明冲撞交融的繁盛景况,以表现一代人有一代人之学术的丰富内容,试图评述近现代著名学者的生平及其学术贡献,凡在文史哲任一领域开风气之先者皆可入选。规模宏大,意义深远。编辑部同志建议我写一篇总序,于是略述中国近现代学术的特点,提供读者参考。
张岱年—1992年元月,序于北京大学

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