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什么可以打败美国

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什么可以打败美国

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——什么可以打败美国?

——美国自己。

为什么美国在碳减排问题上一直模棱两可?为什么美国至今没有真正的全民性医保?为什么金融危机后华尔街依旧可以逍遥法外、继续牟利?一切根源,在于美国民主制度已经沦为了腐败的沃土。

对当下美国政局的深刻剖析:

在美国,人人生而平等,但有些更平等!

美式民主,产生了合法公开的美式腐败:美元初选、特权民主、赢者通吃、游说集团……这些美其名曰“民主”的手段,让竞选和执政沦为1%人的特权民主游戏。

作为哈佛法学院终身教授,劳伦斯·莱斯格教授不仅对罕为人知的“美式腐败”作了无情的揭露,同时也号召美国人民共同改变现状,提出了多种理性且大胆的可能性方案:修正宪法,两党和解,甚至公投选出一位完成政治改革后便辞职的总统。从中,我们可以看见美国当下的困境,及可能发生改变的未来。

海报:

Content Description

什么可以打败强大的美国?在哈佛大学法学教授劳伦斯·莱斯格眼中,答案是:美国自己。

因为,在今天,越来越多的美国人惊恐地发现,他们引以为傲的民主制度已经沦为笑话:为了得到竞选资助,国会议员成为利益集团的傀儡;而通过提供大量政治献金,利益集团得以获得特权,甚至合法地剥削纳税人。

通过对历史和当下的分析,莱斯格尖锐地揭示了这种隐秘的新型腐败:它不是“以物易物”式的传统受贿,而是合法公开的钱权交易,因此,当下的美国民主也沦为了一种只属于少数人的特权民主。面对两党分裂、腐败横行的现状,莱斯格也提供了多种大胆的解决方案,呼吁美国人民共同推进政治改革,从而实现真正的“人人平等”。

在特权民主的世界里,美国的公民或许人人生而平等,但某些人肯定会比其他人享有更多的平等。——劳伦斯·莱格斯

Author Description

劳伦斯·莱斯格(LawrenceLessig)生于1961年,美国知名法律学者及网络版权研究者,先后在斯坦福大学、哈佛大学及芝加哥大学等名校担任要职,目前为哈佛法学院的终身教授。同时,他还创立了有名的“知识共享”(CreativeCommons)组织,是享誉国际的“CC之父”。此外,作为社会活动家,劳伦斯·莱斯格还是多个社会组织的创立者,多年来坚持批评美国政治制度的腐败,并呼吁民众和精英发动宪政改革。2015年,莱斯格宣布以民主党候选人的身份参选总统初选,同年年底退选。

Comments

莱斯格改变了事态,不是为了公司的利益,而是解放了数字时代普通人的创造潜力。

——《卫报》


莱斯格是一位罕见的学者,既有明晰的叙事能力,又有一双讽刺历史的慧眼。

——《华盛顿邮报》


火花四溅的论战,将复杂的法律和讲故事的技巧结合起来。

——《华尔街日报》


有力的论证,重要的分析,也具有惊人的娱乐性。

——《纽约时报》

Catalogue

序言

引言

第一部分.缺陷

第一章.特权民主

第二章.腐败源自不平等

第三章.后果:否决政治

第四章.解决方案

第五章.干扰

第六章.“言论自由”怎么办?

第二部分.本质

第七章.为什么需要这么多钱

第八章.这么多钱干了什么

第九章.这么多的钱是如何打败左派的

第十章.这么多的钱是如何打败右派的

第十一章.这么少的钱是如何让腐败问题恶化的

第十二章.“腐败”的两种定义

第三部分.非常规的解决方案

第十三章.修宪会议

第十四章结论

后记

注释

Book Abstract

没有一种民主能够平等地代表所有人的利益,某些人肯定会比其他人享有更多的平等。

劳伦斯·尼克松是生活在德州艾尔帕索市的一名内科医生。自1910年移居到此后,每一场选举,他总会步行到当地的投票所,支付投票税,投上一票。

直到1924年,当他再次来到投票所时却被选区登记官告知:“尼克松先生,您知道我们不能让您投票。”“我知道你们不能,”尼克松回答,“但我还是要试试。”

尼克松是黑人。1923年,德州颁布了一项法案,禁止黑人参与民主党在本州进行的初选投票。在全美有色人种协进会的支持下,尼克松先后两次对这项限令发起挑战。尽管如此,“白人预选”制度仍旧以这样或那样的形式在德州施行了三十多年。黑人被允许参加终选投票(当然,前提是他们能够顺利注册,获得选民资格),但在选举州长的第一步也是决定性的一步中,只有白人才有权参与。

可见,在德州,或许人人生而平等,但某些人却可以比其他人享有更多的平等。

……

在美国,政治竞选活动由私人资助似乎天经地义。但事实并非如此——缅因州、康涅狄格州、亚利桑那州等州郡均施行公费选举。而且,至少在理论上,总统候选人也可以选择获取公共资助。但除此之外,其他任何一场联邦竞选的候选人们都必须面对的第一场战役便是想方设法募集足够的竞选经费,从而使后续的竞选活动成为可能。

这场募集竞选经费的竞争在某种意义上才是真正的首轮初选。不看选民票数,只看资金额度;不同于南方各州只允许白人参与候选人提名的“白人初选”,这是一场根据候选人从政党、政治行动委员会及其他利益集团所能获得的资助额度来决定其是否会被提名的“美元初选”。

除非候选人完全自筹经费,这场美元初选是任何一场竞选活动都必不可少的重要环节。它决定了候选人能否在正式选举开始之前为人所知;同样重要的是,它决定了候选人能否得到媒体的认可,继而获得民众的支持,被认为是“有望胜出”的人选。在这个金钱至上的时代,只有竞选资金雄厚的候选人才是“有望胜出”的候选人。早在投票开始之前,候选人们就已经开始了金钱上的较量。

举例来说,在2012年的共和党初选中,最有利的一位总统候选人曾连任三届国会议员,当过前州长,并曾成功创办过一家社区银行(想象一下纽特·金里奇、蒂姆·普兰提和赫尔曼·凯恩合为一体)。

但你肯定想不起来那位最有利的候选人到底是谁,因为他被党派同僚们认为不是一位“可行的候选人”。巴迪·罗默提出拒绝任何额度超过100美元的政治捐款,并以此作为他在那场竞选中的最大“卖点”。但这一决定却使他丧失了在初选中被提名的机会。毫不夸张地说,就是因为钱。罗默被告知他的竞选方案并不“可行”,除非他能在六周内募集到50万美元的竞选经费,否则将不能参加辩论。一旦竞选方案行不通,他就被贴上了“不可信赖”的标签。信任往往取决于金钱。

民主党也有同样的案例。2014年,一位才华横溢的年轻女士在纽约州长选举的民主党初选中向安德鲁·库默发起挑战。泽福·蒂侨特将打击腐败作为她的竞选主题。当时,库默被指控故意操纵反贪污委员会,保护那些帮助他铲除敌人的朋友,蒂侨特看似有望被正式提名。

但是,库默甚至拒绝与她辩论。不是因为她没有资格,不是因为她是女人,也不是因为她不受欢迎(她最终获得了33%的初选选票,在62个县中赢得了25场选举),而是因为她并不是一位有望胜出的候选人。

那么,是什么使她无望胜出呢?钱。就只是因为钱。当时,库默已经募集了超过4亿美元的竞选经费,而蒂侨特最终只募集到约60万美元。

在当下的美国,这一现象似乎已经成为不争的事实:在民主竞选中,判断候选人是否有望胜出的首要标准不是选票或者公众支持,而是金钱;不是来自所有选民的公共资助,而是来自极少数人的私人捐款。每一场竞选,从总统到众议员,候选人们都必须首先在这个问题上一较高下:谁能从极少数人那里募集到足够多的钱呢?

……

在美国,能够参与美元初选的人数最多也不会超过美国总人口的0.02%。一群极少数且不具有代表性的、所谓的普通民众决定了后续竞选的候选人。在违背公平原则的民主代议体制下,不具有代表性的极少数人被允许替代广大民众做出选择。

这就是特权民主。即使民众有权参与大选并通过投票决定最终获选的政府官员,但我们资助选举的方式已经决定了他们与特权阶层在这样的“民主代议制”中拥有着截然不同的影响力。在美国的民主政体中,某些人同样比其他人享有更多的平等。

因此,简而言之,当下美国民主制度的核心问题是:竞选经费的来源集中在极少数人手中,使得政府官员的候选人们不得不依从于这一小撮特权阶层。他们提名,而我们只能从中选举。在这个特权民主被实施的过程中,制宪者们的初衷已被彻底腐蚀,广大民众也因此被剥夺了平等的公民权——正如因《吉姆·克劳法》而失去选举权的黑人。

腐败且不平等。

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